Treason scented Report
The European Commission will soon make public the report on freedom and efficiency of justice in Romania. This is a result of a special supervisory procedure applied for the Romanians to see how seriously they are affected by corruption
The European Commission will soon make
public the report on freedom and efficiency of justice in Romania. This is a result of a
special supervisory procedure applied for the Romanians to see how seriously they
are affected by corruption, and whether they should be put in quarantine to
protect the health of the law in the case of the other members of the EU.
The truth is that, without saying that, here, things are worse than elsewhere, Romania is overwhelmed by corruption. The corruption lies in the distortion of the macro-relation between demand and supply for the purpose of the transfer of illicit public treasure to private patrimonies. This form of corruption, mostly invisible to the common citizen, which seriously affects his existence, cannot be achieved without the involvement of the state officials, but most of the time, it also needs the participation of external operators. It is, therefore, trans-partisan and transnational.
Small corruption operates as a form of illicit secondary redistribution in the direct relations between citizens and civil servants, the first having to purchase for the latter undue advantages in exchange for obtaining their rights. We could talk about an "office corruption." This is the most powerful and more aware perceived by the citizens.
There is also a mass corruption. It consists in the general state of illegality that characterizes almost every action of the citizens from the tip culture, cars parking in prohibited places or defying the public authority and tax evasion, the indiscipline at work or requesting and obtaining of rights unrecognized by the law. By not believing in the capacity of the state to ensure public order, the people organize their lives in a parallel discipline, inevitably incoherent, whose minimum stability is obtained through the protection of certain oligarchic structures, of certain people exercising an informal authority. The mass corruption is the consequence, but also the encouraging context of other forms of corruption.
Faced with such phenomena, "independent European inspectors" have already drafted a basic document in which the freedom of justice in Romania is measured in terms of progress in the fight against corruption, and this progress is the criterion of judging and sentencing a list of ten concrete Romanian officials: Prime Ministers, ministers, and so on. To enable the success of the measures, the former European Commissioner, Franco Fratini, together with former Romanian Minister of Justice, Monica Macovei, have designed an institutional system unseen in the world based on politically appointed prosecutors, empowered to manage the procedure from the first acts of investigation until bringing the defendants in Court, due to the lack in training judges. The results of this therapy are known: the fight against political adversaries has replaced the fight against corruption while both the true acts of corruption, as well as their authors have been camouflaged by the diversion of telejustice.
Today, Mr. Fratini is a member of the Italian government. From this position, he has acted successfully for the adoption of a law that would exempt from prosecuting the government dignitaries even if some of their lawsuits were in advanced stages. The man is consistent. He has never agreed apolitical magistrates searching the garbage of the government members, leaving the opposition to frolic. As far as she is concerned, Mrs. Macovei is an advisor for the government of Macedonia, recommended and paid by the British government. She visited Brussels recently and made inflammatory statements accusing the Romanian government, in terms similar to those normally used by President Basescu for the failure and the regress in the fight with the corrupt people. The ideas are contained in its unpublished official document of the European Commission experts, but also in the British press and in the least diplomatic statements of the British ambassadors accredited in Bucharest and Brussels. Why will the corruption be stopped if the opponents of Mr Basescu will be condemned? What is the reason of the belief that they are the corrupt people, but not those convicted by a court free from political internal and external pressures? Do the illegalities that these officials are accused of deplete the great Romanian corruption? What can we expect next?
Most likely, instead of a new program to attack the causes of corruption, but also instead of activating the safeguard clause, the EU will propose to continue the monitoring, as well as the inefficient therapy applied by now. Thus, Romania will keep its second-hand membership in Europe, and the President will be able to continue undermining the opposition. All those who want a weak Romania will be satisfied. A treason scented report!